O SEGREDO DE AVIATOR EM MOCAMBIQUE
Regra nr1: REGISTE NOVA CONTA AGORA E RECEBI BÔNUS DE BOAS VINDAS DE 500% NO PRIMEIRO DEPÓSITO
NB: Para funcionar tem ser com nova conta
Moçambique Bio está de Luto: Tragédia
𝐅𝐚𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐮 𝐨 𝐜𝐢𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐚 𝐞 𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐨𝐦𝐨𝐥𝐨𝐠𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐚 𝐦𝐨ç𝐚𝐦𝐛𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐧𝐨 𝐑𝐢𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐝 𝐆𝐮𝐭𝐚 𝐯í𝐭𝐢𝐦𝐚 𝐝𝐞 𝐚𝐟𝐨𝐠𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐨
Richard Guta, jovem cientista e entomologista moçambicano faleceu ontem em circunstância estranhas de afogamento numa lagoa na África de Sul.
A Polícia Sul Africana está investigar as causas desta tragédia. O corpo de Richard Guta foi encontrado hoje (sexta-feira) junto da Lagoa.
Richard Guta fez o seu mestrado em Biologia de Conservação na Universidade Cape Town e estava na África de Sul a fazer recolha de dados para o início do seu trabalho de Doutoramento na mesma Universidade.
Richard Guta foi um dos impulsionadores da criação de página Moçambique Bio, um dos cientistas de consulta em matéria de Biodiversidade, um jovem cientista moçambicano.
O último pôster do Richard Guta no Facebook escreveu:
“Uma breve paragem em Piketberg a caminho de Namaquand para uma pesquisa de insetos.”
Há sensivelmente um mês, Moçambique Bio falou com o Richard Guta onde o mesmo havia prometido partilhar uma pesquisa sobre os insectos que ocorrem no distrito da Catembe.
O antigo Professor de Ricardo Guta deixou uma mensagem emocionante no Facebook que passamos a citar na íntegra:
“Hoje recebi a notícia do falecimento prematuro do meu grande amigo e ex aluno, Ricardo Guta. O mundo perdeu uma das almas mais gentis e curiosas, um entomologista estrela, e um grande modelo para aspirantes a cientistas moçambicanos. A tragédia é ainda mais dolorosa sabendo que Ricardo estava apenas a dias da sua graduação na Universidade da Cidade do Cabo, prestes a embarcar num fascinante doutoramento. projeto e, mais importante, comemorar o nascimento do seu segundo filho. Faltam-me palavras ao expressar o quanto ele fará falta.” - escreveu Piotr Naskrecki.
Moçambique Bio endereça a esposa e os filhos de Richard Guta sentido pêsames!
Moçambique perdeu um jovem cientista, estrela e reconhecido mundialmente.(x)
O artista Ivan da Silva também conhecido como Detento disponibiliza uma música super quente, como sempre repleta de punchlines e trocadilhos, intitulada Will get it (vamos conseguir) motivando as pessoas a não desistirem de alcançar os seus objetivos.
lvan Da Silva está de volta com uma nova música "Will get it (Detento) " faça o download de áudio em mp3.
MUNHAVAHIT Promovendo o Melhor da Música Africana e varias culturas num só lugar.
Artista : Ivan Da Silva (Detento)
Título: Will get it
Gênero: Trap
Lançamento: 2022
Álbum: Rebelião Ep
lvan Da Silva - Will get it (Detento)
David Mabuza Biografia: Idade, Filha, Casa, Educação, Qualificações, Família, Salário E Detalhes De Contato
David Mabuza Biografia
David Dabede Mabuza é um político sul-africano e o atual vice-presidente que serve sob o presidente Cyril Ramaphosa. Ele é um professor treinado, mas não chegou a passar a maior parte do tempo ensinando. Seu chamado era a política.
Sua carreira política começou quando ele era estudante e secretário da Organização dos Estudantes Azania (AZASO). Ele se juntou à Frente Democrática Unida logo depois.
Ele contou com Matthews Phosa como um mentor, e o homem mais velho foi fundamental para sua ascensão, incluindo a obtenção de algumas posições-chave. Por exemplo, Phosa foi fundamental para conseguir uma posição no MEC em 1994. Nos anos seguintes, ele apoiou Zuma em sua candidatura presidencial. Acabou por ser um movimento crítico que valeu a pena muito mais tarde.
Ele inicialmente se opôs a Ramaphosa se tornar o sucessor de Zuma, mas o apoiou no último minuto. Hoje ele é o vice-presidente da Nação Arco-Íris.
David Mabuza não ficou isento de controvérsias, no entanto. Ele havia sido acusado de corrupção várias vezes no passado, mas nunca foi condenado.
Idade
David Mabuza completou 62 anos em 2022. Isso significa que ele entrou no plano material em 1960.
Filha
Não está claro quem é a filha de David Mabuza – isto é, se ele tem algum filho. O vice-presidente tem sido objeto de constante especulação sobre se ele tem filhos ou não, especialmente porque ele nunca foi encontrado com um.
A opinião predominante, no entanto, é que ele não tem filhos. Não pudemos verificar isso de forma independente.
Casa
Como vice-presidente da África do Sul, David Mabuza tem sua residência oficial, que também é, compreensivelmente, um dos lugares mais seguros da África do Sul. Mas, dado o seu status, espera-se que ele tenha uma casa pessoal.
Detalhes sobre isso são, é claro, encobertos, dado o quão importante ele é na sociedade.
Qualificações
Ele pode não ser o mais educado lá fora, mas David Mabuza certamente sabe o valor da educação. Ele frequentou a Khumbula High School, a Faculdade de Educação Mgwenya, onde obteve um certificado em educação, e depois a Universidade da África do Sul, onde obteve um diploma de bacharel.
Família
Até agora, o que se sabe do público é que David Mabuza, que é carinhosamente chamado de DD Mabuza, é casado e que sua família é composta por ele e sua esposa. Se ele tem filhos, ele fez um excelente trabalho em escondê-los do público. E se ele não fizer isso, talvez isso seja legal com ele também.
Tribo
Para David Mabuza, a tribo não importa tanto quanto fazer o trabalho como vice-presidente daÁfricado Sul sob o presidente Cyril Ramaphosa. Ele é negro; sua tribo exata desconhecida.
Detalhes de Contato
Os detalhes de contato pessoal de um vice-presidente são frequentemente protegidos e escondidos do público. Curiosamente, há um endereço de e-mail para o gabinete do vice-presidente. Mas, é claro, não há garantia de que aqueles que lidam com o e-mail responderiam a quaisquer perguntas enviadas para o endereço.
O referido e-mail é: vicepresidente [a] presidência dot gov dot za.
Não há número de telefone nem endereço residencial.
No entanto, o vice-presidente é ativo nas redes sociais, especialmente no Twitter, onde atende pelo identificador @DDMabuza. A conta é verificada.
Perguntas Populares
- Que etnia é David Mabuza?
David Mabuza é negro. Sua etnia dentro do espaço sul-africano não é exatamente clara, no entanto. é claro que isso não o impediu de exercer as suas funções de vice-presidente da República.
- De onde vem David Mabuza?
O vice-presidente é do Transvaal. Foi uma província sul-africana de 1910 a 1994, quando uma nova constituição a alterou para sempre. O novo imaginou o fim do regime do apartheid.
- Quantos anos tem David Mabuza?
David Mabuza nasceu em 1960, o que o torna 62 anos no momento em que escrevo. Ele comemorou seu aniversário em agosto.
- Quem é a esposa de David Mabuza?
Em relação aos relacionamentos e casamento, David Mabuza teve uma corrida interessante. Ele teria sido casado anteriormente com Ruth Funi Silinda e depois se divorciou ao longo da linha. No entanto, algumas fontes insistem que eles nunca foram casados no sentido real da palavra – eles simplesmente tiveram um relacionamento.
Seja qual for o caso, o vice-presidente era casado na época. Sua esposa é Nonhlanhla Patience Mnisi. Os dois estão juntos há cerca de duas décadas. Em seu relacionamento com sua atual esposa, embora ele seja frequentemente encontrado com ela em público, o vice-presidente tem sido bastante privado.
- David Mabuza é casado?
Sim, o vice-presidente é casado. Então, se você tem projetos nele, você pode querer lixá-los imediatamente. Ele está tomado.
- Quem é o irmão de Mabuza?
O irmão de David Mabuza é Mikle Mabuza. Mike parece ser tímido em termos de publicidade, já que nada sobre ele está disponível. Mesmo a entrada sobre ele no site do governo sul-africano não dava nada além de seu título, sua inicial, seu dado e seu sobrenome.
Taylor Swift Reage Como Ticketmaster "Bungles" Pré-Venda De Ingressos Para A Turnê "Eras", É Processada
Os fãs são fãs porque não são passivos. Eles não apenas seguem seus faves, mas agem de acordo com seus sentimentos em relação às ações e eventos relacionados a eles. Essa realidade se desenrola de novo e de novo.
Para a Ticketmaster, isso acabou de acontecer, mas não de uma boa maneira. Os fãs estão processando a empresa de ingressos pelo que consideram a pré-venda fracassada de ingressos para a turnê Eras, deTaylor Swift.
Uma pré-venda havia sido aberta em 15 de novembro, e muitos em todo os Estados Unidos se inclinaram para comprar ingressos, mas não conseguiram um, graças em parte a bots e cambistas. Isso enfureceu muitos de seus fãs, alguns dos quais se uniram para se adequar à empresa de bilheteria.
É relatado que o Ticketmaster deveria enviar aos fãs "verificados" de Taylor Swiftum código em 14 de novembro, o que lhes permitirá acessar o evento de pré-venda no dia seguinte. No entanto, muitos deles reclamaram que não receberam o código ou receberam um código com defeito. E eles não estão tendo.
Taylor Swiftficou sabendo das queixas e emitiu um comunicado no qual ela criticou a empresa sobre a forma como lidou com o evento de pré-venda.
Partly uncertain, and with an international arrest warrant, Isabel dos Santos accuses the Angolan government of "persecution" and expresses interest in the country's political future.
The interview with Isabel dos Santos in full on CNN Portugal:
Do you feel like a free woman or a prisoner?
I think these last few years, for me, have been a battle, but also a life lesson. I have learned many lessons, there have been very difficult moments, obviously from a personal point of view. Also from a professional point of view. But it's a journey, it's a journey, and I believe life has to be lived and we're here on a mission. We're here on Earth to make the world a better place. At least that's how I see it, and as long as I'm here, I feel that freedom to live.
Your space, let's just say it was all for many years. It had a base in Angola, had an interest in Portugal, had business elsewhere and this space suddenly became smaller, smaller, smaller. And the news in recent weeks is that there's an international arrest warrant. My question goes in that direction. Does that somehow turn you into a prisoner?
I think today there is a greater understanding of what is really going on and there is no doubt that we are facing a scenario of political persecution. Looking at Angola and our legal system, it is easy to understand that the Attorney General of the Republic receives orders directly from the President. That is, unlike in some countries, where a prosecutor is independent, or depends on another body.
There is no separation of powers.
No. In Angola, the prosecutor, therefore, General Pitta Grós, receives orders directly from General Lourenço, President João Lourenço. So any such order is a direct order from the president.
"This is lawfare"
He has already found the motivations for this which he describes as a political revenge, but also almost personal.
"Lawfare", which is in essence to use the law to make war or use state institutions, public, use the courts themselves and use the law to fight an opponent, an economic opponent and a political opponent. So I think the reason is fundamentally this, is that you don't want to have competition with other people who have other ideas or other voices, to enter politics in Angola and dominate the economy. I'm going to use the laws, I'm going to manipulate the legal system to cause a lot of legal problems to an opponent. A political or economic opponent, for example. And at the same time, in public opinion, I'm going to create a whole impression, a public opinion about that person using the media. So there is a lot of information that is passed on to the media, which is effectively false.
Why do you think this shows up at this specific time and didn't show up sooner? I'm talking specifically about the warrant that was issued by Interpol.
I have no knowledge of the official document. I don't know what this is about. I haven't heard it, I'm just commenting on what I've been hearing on the news and what I've been reading. And to me, what i think is that this is undoubtedly linked to the nationalization of Unitel. When we see the new law of nationalization in Angola, there is a very strange clause that says that if there is a process or an investigation, the company or the person concerned is not entitled to compensation.
Why would a successful private businesswoman go at some point to Sonangol, which was an obvious problem? Are you going there to solve the problem?
At that time, the Ministry of Finance asked one of my companies to be a consultant and signed a contract with us, a contract that was validated, including in the Court of Auditors. For us to provide a consultancy in the restructuring of the oil sector. What could be done to make it more competitive and, in particular, look at Sonangol. My team and I present this model to the Ministry of Finance, and based on that a commission, a restructuring committee for the oil sector and Sonangol. At that moment, they become aware of the work, and fortunately it is a model that was adopted and that President João Lourenço continues to adopt to this day. I'm invited by the committee because they say they need an Angolan or an Angolan who can implement that, and that there weren't many. As I had already participated and had effectively mentored this new model, they would like it to be me and my company implementing it. And that's how we're invited and we go as consultants. I am personally invited to go as a non-executive PCA at that time, and it is a very difficult time for the company. There's a lot of debt. When I arrived, I remember there was no money to pay salaries. I got a letter from the international banks charging $450 million and they gave me 45 days to pay, and there was no money. So I had to enter into negotiations with international banking to do a debt restructuring, I had to quickly enter into negotiations with the national bank to see how we could optimize somecash flow. It was important to protect jobs and wages, and protect the people who worked in the company, because I needed these people to be able to rebuild the company.
It is at this time that he also decides to call international consultants, Portuguese law firms. And that is, say, what gives rise, then, to what those who accuse it call "Luanda Leaks". Even today, he maintains the claim that what they say happened did not happen.
It is in 2015, when my company starts working with the Ministry of Finance, that these consultants start working with me. That is, we have created a core of consultants, I am the main consultant and we have a core of consultants who work with us. It works with me directly, people with whom we talk, analyzed, looked at various models, compared the model of Norway with the model of Saudi Arabia, for example, we compared it with the model of Angola. So we do this deep work, which is a new model for the industry.
But even today she is convinced that the solution she found, possibly comparable to the ones she is making of, was the best for Sonangol. I mean, hadn't it been more transparent to pay Pricewaterhouse directly? Hadn't it been more transparent to pay the VDA directly? Was it necessary to involve other entities in this maneuver?
First of all, it wasn't a maneuver. As I said from the beginning, the company was hired, it was my company. As part of this restructuring, I go to Sonangol with a very specific mandate to restructure the company. What is accused today is that these consultants did not exist and that they were not at Sonangol and did not provide services. If you read the interviews of the Attorney General of the Republic, the allegations he makes is that there were no services provided to Sonangol, and that's where it is a lie, which is serious, because there were services, services were provided. And after that it says even more: that this whole restructuring contract of Sonangol is a maneuver, it is a fiction, that there has never been any restructuring.
To be diverted 131 million dollars.
Exactly. Now I ask: was the restructuring of Sonangol a fiction? Are there any doubts in public opinion that Sonangol was bankrupt? Is there any doubt that there has been a restructuring? There isn't one. Was Sonangol bad? Were. People knew it was bad. There were reports about it, there was information about it, there was news about it. So it was, in fact, public knowledge. There were consultants. Was the knowledge public? Era. I remember at the time the news that came to the newspapers: "why did engineer Isabel dos Santos fill Sonangol with consultants?". You have to realize that Sonangol is not just a company, it's 90, and then it has an aviation company, so you have to understand airplanes. There's a hospital company, you have to understand health care, you have a furniture company, you have to understand construction. That's a lot of different companies and a lot of them are in great difficulty.
At this distance, would you rather say that when you found Sonangol in this state, that guilt had died single? Or that the person responsible for the state that Sonangol arrived in was Manuel Vicente, because, deep down, he had been the man of Sonangol for much of those years.
What I want today is the recognition by the PGR and the State, that this story of telling that there were no consultants and that were not paid is not true. And what's very boring is that it's this story that they use to then issue warrants or issue restrictive maneuvers, or even make arrests. It's with this story, not with another.
But I asked him about Manuel Vicente. You don't want to answer that.
I'm going to answer that, because that's a good question. Why was Sonangol in the state it was in when I arrived? Why, I'll try to summarize in three great lines of thought. First, because it was a company that was not competitive, that is, it was a company that had a culture of state management and a culture of public management. It wasn't designed as a company that was going to compete with others. Unlike my companies, which have always competed. For example, at ZAP I compete with DSTV, unitel competed with Angola Telecom and Movicel, in Candando I compete with Shoprite, Kero, casa dos Frescos. At the Bank I compete with Banco Económico, with Caixa. I always had companies that had to compete and the first thing I noticed is that Sonangol didn't have to compete with anyone because the rights were dealer rights, they were acquired rights. That was a competitiveness problem. The second issue is that Sonangol had many projects that were highly deficient, that lost money. So yes, I agree with you that the managements prior to mine should not have invested in deficit projects. To me it has happened to invest in projects that have not generated profit, this is not a crime, but when the project does not generate profit, it has to be reviewed and has to stop. Which they didn't do. We have the case of the Lobito Refinery, a project of almost 15 years where 1.4 billion euros were spent, and there is no refinery. There's no building, there's only earthwork.
Where did the money go?
Apparently it was for earthwork, but there is already an irresponsible and harmful management.
Can I indemnify that you are calling manuel Vicente an irresponsible manager and damaging manager or is it an abuse on my part?
Manuel Vicente did not act alone. Manuel Vicente was the PCA of Sonangol. There was a Board of Directors, so there were several directors, there were several directors. There were people with a lot of platoons. He didn't manage alone. The same way i was at Sonangol, I wasn't there alone either. As I said, it was lack of competitiveness on the one hand, projects and investments that were not profitable, and Also found bad practices.
I found contracts that might cost two or three times more than they were supposed to cost, i found directors' companies providing services at exorbitant prices. Anyway, I found a lot of things that were wrong and cut it. I lowered Sonangol's costs by 18 months by 40%. That's a lot. Obviously, people didn't like this. They have a cleaning contract that cleans all sonangol buildings for millions and millions. I come in, do a comparative study and say "no, sorry, this company can go on, but it can't be millions and millions anymore." It has to be millions and millions, minus the 40% to be at the same level as the market price.
"Luanda Leaks is a very badly told story"
When you say Luanda Leaks was a construction site, who was a construction?
From the Angolan state. President João Lourenço, specifically.
It's coming from the dome. You have no doubt about that.
No, I don't, I have proof on that today. When Luanda Leaks happens it's very strange, first because it's a very badly told story. Who reads 715,000 documents? That's impossible. And to this day no one has seen them, we have seen 140 documents on the website.
Were they forged in your vision?
When you look at the 140 documents on the website, most of these documents are completely innocuous. Journalists have a very important role and the media has become the fourth power, that we have no doubt. At the same time, it also has a responsibility that is to inform, but to inform with knowledge of what it informs. I ask: a journalist who does not speak Portuguese, who does not know Angolan laws, does not know portuguese laws, is judging?
But there were Portuguese journalists in the consortium.
Had.
And they did their job.
Well, if you tell me that a journalist can read a contract, and from a legal point of view, judge whether the contract is legal or illegal, it would be a surprise to me. Unless it was a journalist who had legal training, which I don't think was the case.
The issue of Luanda Leaks has a cascading effect, because it has an effect in Angola, then has an effect in Portugal and has an effect even in other geographies. In the Netherlands, a part in the United States.
Doing "lawfare" is not a new action. I'm not the first victim of lawfare. There are other cases too.
There are several people in the arms of justice, who use the expression "lawfare" precisely to realize that, in their vision, it is what is happening to them. We have cases like Lula in Brazil, Socrates, in Portugal.
There are several cases. Now, I ask: if the state has evidence against a citizen, why in my case, of the civil arrest in Luanda, there are eight false documents? Why does the PGR forge a passport? Do you fake emails that come from a gmail accountand consultant, a guy named Mohamed that no one knows who he is? Why is the PGR presenting as evidence a letter from the Angolan secret service witnessing a meeting at a working meeting of mine that never happened? On a date and in a place I've never been. That is, if it is a state of good faith, will you forge evidence to seather the businessman's assets?
In the Portuguese, do you think that the authorities in Lisbon acted almost out of contagion of what was happening in Angola, or here there is no bad faith and good faith?
Portugal is trying to understand whether the allegations that happened, which came out in the newspaper, are true or false. Mainly, this issue of the consultants is very interesting, because even during the investigation process, the judge of the inquiry has already confirmed that all payments have been made and all consultants have been paid and that the services have been provided, and that there was no state money or Sonangol money that has been taken for my own benefit. That's written there, the decision of the investigating judge. And it is very rare, at a stage of inquiry, that the judges are already so sure of what they are saying, because when they came into contact with the contradictory evidence, they actually saw that what I have been trying to say for a long time was true, and that what the Angolan state was saying was not. Meanwhile, Portugal has an agreement that is the Treaty of the CPLP, the Portuguese-speaking communities. In this agreement, if there is a request, and in this case non-civil, that comes on the basis of a criminal case, then Portugal has to comply with the request. And that's what happened. But, bizarrely, I don't have a criminal case in court in Angola.
So what happened?
There is a forged decision of the Judge of the Supreme Court that is sent to Portugal, and Portugal takes this forged decision and acts on this forged decision.
I don't have a home in the Algarve. I like the Algarve, but I don't have a home in the Algarve. If I had ever bought a house in the Algarve I could have on behalf of a company, perhaps for tax reasons, if I wanted to rent, but surely if I had a house in the Algarve, I would not deny having it.
"My relations in Portugal were with the entrepreneurs"
Has political power in Lisbon ever helped you?
My contacts have always been business. I have had no contacts with the Government, other than the normal licensing, when sometimes companies have to license some document and send, but that is the stuff of the companies themselves. My relationship with Portugal was always through private investments, and if these private investments were successful in the partnerships with whom I was talking at that time, with those people, or if they wanted to sell the shares to me, or if they wanted to receive an investment, they would come to a good port.
And was this pattern of behavior the same with the psd governments and the governments of the Socialist Party?
During the entire period I invested in Portugal, my relations were with Portuguese entrepreneurs.
And have you never felt from the Portuguese governments a request for help to invest in the Portuguese economy in the most complicated years, particularly in the troika years?
Specific requests, no. I had no specific request to invest in Portugal by the Government Portuguese
Not even in the case of Efacec?
In the case of Efacec, I started working in the telecommunications sector in '98 and my vision was a vision for Africa because there were very few phones at that time. In my country, above all, and on the continent in general. Since telecommunications were a boom and the market was increasingly served, I started looking from a strategic point of view, for what would be the next sector in which I wanted to invest, and it was the energy sector. I wanted to invest in the energy sector in Angola, Africa, and create a competitive company exactly in these markets. Then Efacec was an opportunity, because it was for sale. There were several buyers, there was a process, we participated in a bidding process, so we weren't the only ones. It was not direct adjustment, there were several proposals, they were being analyzed, etc. And we participated in this process, because I had an interest in acquiring an energy company with the valences that Efacec had, because it would allow us to do a lot of work in Africa in general. Not only in Angola, but on the mainland.
For the purchase of Efacec benefited from the loan of Caixa Geral, but do you think it was a clean, normal business? That is, a businessman often goes to the bank to finance himself.
I really liked what you just said, because you just confirmed that, for the Efacec business, I had access, in part, to bank financing. Unfortunately, when one hears, once again, what Angola says to Portugal, they say that the investment was made with money from the Angolan state.
Was there no endorsement from the Angolan state?
No, not at all.
The former governor of Banco de Portugal, Carlos Costa, in his book exactly called "The governor", said that at one point in his term he received a call from Prime Minister António Costa, in which António Costa interfered in his favor and the expression was this: "We can not treat the daughter of a friendly head of state badly". And then he even describes it as a very angry phone call. First of all, do you think it's possible that this happened? Second, have you ever asked António Costa for help specifically so he could interfere with the governor?
In my relations with Portugal, they were really relations with the private sector. I have no contacts or relations with ministers in Portugal or proximity to the Government. My investments were direct, private investments. I don't believe he had specific support from the Portuguese, because they were even risky investments. The LBW, when we bought it, was a bank that was bankrupt.
You're running away from the question.
I'm not going to run away from the question, I'm going to tell you the relationship I had there, because that's why I can talk about it. And the relationship I had in Portugal was not a relationship with the Government, it was effectively a relationship with the private, and the business I did. I remember the hearing I had at Banco de Portugal, which was a hearing to deal with actions related to Banco BIC. It was a short meeting and All I remember is that there was a meeting, and it was professional.
Therefore, this call to have happened was on the initiative of the Prime Minister, but there is no request from you.
I don't know if the call happened or not. I wasn't part of any call. What I can say is that, on my side, the relations I had with Portugal were always on the business side and not on the government side, nor on the state side.
And from an institutional point of view, your father never helped you?
I could have worked with my father if I had decided it many years ago in my career. If I wanted to go to politics, for example, I would have worked with my father. But I didn't want to go into politics at the time.
"They want to stop me from making a difference one day"
Do you think your future can play a political role in Angola? Do you want that?
I have no doubt that, one way or another, I will contribute to the political future of my country.
But with a leading role or a more lateral role?
I believe Angola needs a new political future. I think we have challenges today that are different. They are no longer the challenges of independence, they are no longer the challenges of the revolution. Today are the challenges of the economy, of employment, are the social challenges, of social well-being, as people live better. We have a big challenge, which is urbanization. How are we going to prepare our cities so that they can receive these millions of people who are born every year, with water, with light, and that is not just talk. Another challenge we have is food security. We produced very little and saw that at the time of covid, when container prices, logistics, skyrocketed, that prices in Angola also went up a lot. The food got very, very expensive. Therefore, the issue of food security with a population that is reaching 30 million is one of the other issues. And I believe that today the political parties that are in power or that are in opposition are not looking at these issues. There's no vision, there's no plan. For Angola today, there is no strategic plan on how to develop, how to make Angola competitive.
From what you're talking about, you think you can lead that vision and this strategic plan for a country that's very different from what it's been.
I want a different country.
Now, to get there, you have to get rid of the issues you have in your arms with justice. How do you think you're going to do that? I have in front of me a 48-year-old woman who right now saw her business empire frozen, cramped, diminished, and who is in the grip of an Interpol warrant. How are you going to get out of this maze where they put it?=================
This issue occurs in political persecution, exactly to prevent me from one day being able to make a difference in Angola. The legal issues, they themselves, if the law is complied with, have no basis. But today I live in a country where the law is not enforced. I live in an Angola that does not have a democratic rule of law. I live in an Angola that violates the Constitution, violates the rights of the citizen. So I live in a country where the law is not enforced. Our courts are not independent, our judges receive instructions. Not all, but there are some judges who are used by the system to fulfill a political agenda of political power.
And if I take what you're saying as good, what makes you think that's going to change? And how is it going to change?
I believe it's going to change, and it's going to change.
How's it going to change?
History tells us that all systems or regimes that did not understand that change was necessary, did not understand that it was necessary to meet the aspirations of the new generations, all fail.
We are people who will force a regime change.
A nova geração, que quer uma outra Angola, quer outras coisas para Angola, tem outras ambições e ambicionam ver uma Angola diferente. Eles vão fazer a mudança, sem dúvida.
Já disse que, por norma, os seus dias eram muito preenchidos, muito ocupados e eu andei a fazer algum trabalho de casa. Também sei que era assim. Como é que é hoje o seu dia a dia?
When I was at Sonangol, curiously, my days were really very busy. It was often from 7:00 a.m. to 9:00 p.m. It was also a very special period in my life, because I was expecting a baby. So imagine, I had 18 months at Sonangol and for nine of those 18 months I was expecting a baby. The baby was born in July, that is, two or three more months postpartum after that. I had a period there that, physically, was very demanding and I didn't have much close to my family, I spent a lot of time. And before that, in my companies, before 2016 too, I always worked hard, because I like to be active. I'm an operational person, I like to go to the field, get my hands on the job, get to work, be there with a helmet, with my teams, work. I stayed away from my family too long to build the companies I built, to be able to reach and get where I came from, and I made many personal sacrifices. My presence, being with my children, being with my family. And today I have more time, and that's what I dedicate myself to, effectively being able to be present in their lives, being able to be more active in the education of my children, and obviously I have a challenge, and that is not little, that it is all these battles that are put to me by the Angolan state, which although I have not been in Angola for four years, he's still chasing me everywhere.
Do you feel safe in the country where we are?
I believe that in countries where the law works and the courts are fair, impartial and independent, I will always be safe. The only place where I will not be safe is effectively in Angola, where the courts are not independent and where the law is not fulfilled. But all the other countries in the world that comply with the law and in which the courts are independent, I believe that I will be in a safe condition.
"More than my father, he was the father of the nation"
Answer me how you see it, but I'd like to ask you. You went to Barcelona and you were in Barcelona in your father's last days, but you think you said goodbye to him the way you wanted?
My father, in 2018, expressed the desire to stop living in Angola and wanted to live with me and my husband. So I've been following and i've been living with my father since that time. It wasn't just the last few days in Barcelona, it's really been since then. He came to Spain, then temporarily returned to Luanda. This trip, in which he went to Luanda, was a very difficult trip for him. I wish I could stay less time. Unfortunately, the authorities in Angola somehow prevented or did not facilitate the return earlier. Finally, he came back in March and we were very happy that he could have come back. Anyway, life is sad.
But did you say goodbye to him the way you wanted, or did you end up not having that opportunity?
I've been with my father at all times. More than my father, he was undoubtedly the father of the nation and the president of the Republic. And there was a very wide debate between the family and the Angolan state itself, about what the tribute to José Eduardo Santos should have been. At the time, and to this day, I think there's been a fallout from the state side. And it was a shame, because many Angolans who could have said goodbye to him much more calmly, without being worried about who they will vote for, who they will not vote for, could have done so. They could have had time. And that time was not given to them.
Do you have Russian nationality?
I have Russian nationality, I was born in Russia. That's a public fact.
And you admit to living in Russia in the present circumstances of your private life?
I have a special affection because it's my mother's land, so it's a place where I have family, and I respect culture, history a lot. It's a country that has theater, music, ballet, it's a country with a phenomenal culture. I like the country, I think it's beautiful.
How does someone who has this personal dimension, of connection with the country, look at Russia's conflict with Ukraine and the Russian invasion?
I hope things work out.
You don't offer to say anything else.
I hope things work out. Peace is important to everyone.
CNN
The judge in the case of "hidden debts" yesterday considered proved that the defendants formed a "criminal group to seher to the resources of the State", committing "various crimes".
Efigénio Baptista was speaking on the second day of reading the sentence of the case, marked by the disclosure of the findings that the court drew from the prosecution of the public prosecutor and the evidence gathered during the trial hearings.
Baptista pointed out that "it was settled" throughout the process that Ndambi Guebuza, the eldest son of former President Armando Guebuza, as well as former leaders of the State Information and Security Service (SISE) and other defendants acted in concert to consummate fraud fueled by the money of hidden debts.
The judge aimed more harshly ndambi Guebuza, considering that it proved that he received 33 million dollars (31.4 million euros) to "move influence" with his father for the approval of the project of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EZE), used as a pretext for the contraction of debts.
Ndambi Guebuza or "Junior", as it is treated in the correspondence between the defendants, "for having the same name as the father, asked for money to submit the proposal", emphasized the magistrate.
It was the involvement of the eldest son of the then head of state that allowed the process to be quickly approved by Armando Guebuza, because before this intervention, the operation was dragging on, he continued.
Efigénio Baptista also argued that "it proved" that the main defendants in the case already had friendship or business relationships, which facilitated their criminal association to snise the Mozambican state.
The defendants, he continued, traveled several times abroad to prepare the hidden debts scheme.
For Ephigenia Baptista it has also been demonstrated that all the defendants targeted today in their allegations, received bribes for their role in the scheme.
The magistrate also said that it was shown that Ndambi Guebuza lied by stating in court that he did not know some of the main defendants in the case.
With the report of the assessment of evidence on part of the defendants, still lacks the assessment of the evidence of involvement of the remaining implicated, followed by the reading of the sentences - which should happen on Saturday or Sunday.
On Wednesday, the judge justified the five days of reading the sentence with "the volume of the process", noting that he wants to read "each of the 1,388 pages" of the judgment.
"We have a sentence of 1,388 pages" resulting from a process with "a volume of more than 30,000 pages," said Efigénio Baptista, who has already announced the continuation of the work over the weekend.
In the dock are 19 defendants accused by the Mozambican public prosecutor of involvement in a scheme that defrauded the state of more than 2.7 billion dollars (2.6 million euros) of debt contracted with international banks between 2013 and 2014.
The loans were endorsed by the Government of the Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo), then led by Guebuza, without knowledge of parliament and the Administrative Court. (Lusa)
Efigénio Baptista said that Ndambi Guebuza's refusal to share the $50 million in bribes, which he was supposed to share with António Carlos do Rosário and Gregório Leão, in the first contract with Privinvest, was the reason that the three, associated with Manuel Renato Matusse, had the idea of changing the initial contract, with the aim of underbilling the price of equipment to make more money in the business. The judge said he still had no doubt that Renato Matusse, then an aide to Armando Guebuza, participated in those negotiations.
The financing contract between ProIndicus and Credit Suisse for the purchase of equipment to protect the Exclusive Economic Zone was two years increased in 2013, and Efigénio Baptista has no doubts about the reasons for this. "From the association of the facts and circumstances that have been established up to this point, it is easy to conclude with certainty that the reason for the changes to proindicus' initial contract was the refusal of the defendant Ndambi Guebuza to share the 50 million dollars with the co-defendants António Carlos do Rosário and Gregory Leo," Baptista said, then explained that the defendants acted, with the help of Credit Suisse and Prinvivest.
"As the financing contract was already concluded, the only way they found to obtain additional bribe money was to change the supply contract and, consequently, change the financing contract. This criminal plan was orchestrated by the defendant António Carlos do Rosário, in coluio with the defendant Ndambi Guebuza, Jean Boustani, Gregory Leo José and Manuel Renato Matusse. Indeed, Andrew Pearse of Credit Suisse sent, on April 19, 2013, anemail to the defendantsAntónio Carlos do Rosário and Manuel Renato Matusse with a copy for Jean Boustani. On April 22, 2013, the defendant António Carlos do Rosário forwarded to the co-defendant Ndambi Guebuza ane-mailwith the subject 'loan from Credit Suisse to ProIndicus' with the following content: I was contacted by Mr. Jean Boustani, who mentioned that you have some questions regarding the increase of 200 million U.S. dollars of a loan from Credit Suisse to ProIndicus. I would like to reiterate that the proposed increase will be provided by Credit Suisse," he said.
The judge dispelled doubts about the participation of armando gebuza's former private aide in the scheme.
"There are no doubts that the defendant Manuel Renato Matusse was part of the criminal group that decided to change the contracts of ProIndicus in order to obtain additional money for payment of bribes. In fact, thee-mailwith a matter 'loan from Credit Suisse to ProIndicus' was sent to the defendant António Carlos do Rosário and also to the defendant Manuel Renato Matusse", he clarified.
The judge of the case also said that Privinvest did not use its money to bribe the defendants, but that such amounts were derived from the underbilling of the costs of the means, that is, the Privinvest Group paid the bribes with the money of the Mozambican state.
Lava Blaze NXT começa a ser vendida na Índia
OLava Blaze NXTreveladona semana passada está agora à venda na Índia. Ele vem nas cores Glass Blue, Glass Red e Glass Green e pode ser comprado no site da Amazon.in ou da Lava India por INR9.299 (US $ 115 / € 110).
O Lava Blaze NXT é alimentado pelo SoC Helio G37, ostenta um LCD HD + de 6,5 "e executa o Android 12 fora da caixa. Possui 4GB de RAM e 64GB de armazenamento a bordo, que pode ser expandido até 256GB via cartão microSD.
Lava Blaze NXT Lava Blaze NXT Lava Blaze NXT
Lava Blaze NXT
O Blaze NXT tem uma parte traseira de vidro ostentando um leitor de impressões digitais e uma configuração de câmera tripla, encabeçada por uma câmera de 13MP. E na frente está um atirador de 8MP para selfies e chamadas de vídeo.
Abastecendo todo o pacote está uma bateria de 5.000 mAh que consome energia através de uma porta USB-C.
Nokia confirma que Android 13 está chegando a mais cinco telefones
A Nokia revelou recentemente que concluiu a migração para o Android 12 e, se algum smartphone não recebeu o sistema operacional, não o receberá no futuro. O anúncio foi seguido por uma confirmação de quais dispositivos são os primeiros da fila para o Android 13.
A lista inclui cinco dispositivos - Nokia X10 e Nokia X20, Nokia XR20, Nokia G50 e Nokia G11 Plus, todos eles no lado mais barato do espectro de preços.
O trio de novos smartphones, C31, G60 5G e X30 5G, anunciados em setembro na IFA 2022 em Berlim, não estão na lista, mas isso porque os dois últimos ainda não estão disponíveis na China. A empresa já confirmou seus planos de atualização e o Android 13 está definitivamente chegando.
Os outros cinco telefones Nokia confirmados hoje atendem aos requisitos recomendados do Android Enterprise, que são orientados para os negócios, como implantação em massa com inscrição sem toque, atualizações rápidas de segurança do Android (dentro de 90 dias após o lançamento do Google), disponibilidade física de unidades suficientes e "experiência de aplicativo consistente".
OnePlus anuncia Android 13 Open Beta para Nord 2T
A OnePlus anunciou o OxygenOS 13 Open Beta Test (OBT) baseado no Android 13 para oOnePlus Nord 2T. Aqueles que não podem esperar pelo lançamento da atualização estável do OxygenOS 13 podem se inscrever no OBT navegando até o menu Configurações do Nord2T >Sobre o dispositivo, tocando em Atualizado, tocando no ícone no canto superior direito e, em seguida, indo para oprograma Beta>Beta e enviando as informações necessárias. Você receberá a atualização dentro de cinco dias úteis se o seu aplicativo for aceito, e você pode verificá-lo indo para o menuConfigurações do seu telefone >Sobre o dispositivo> Baixar Agora.
No entanto, antes de se candidatar, certifique-se de que o seu Nord 2T está a executar o OxygenOS com a versão de firmware CPH2401_11.A.17. Observe também que o OxygenOS 13 OBT está aberto apenas aos modelos indianos Nord 2T, e você precisa ser um membro ativo da Comunidade OnePlus para ser elegível para o OBT.
OnePlus announces Android 13-based OxygenOS 13 Open Beta Test for Nord 2T
Além disso, a versão beta pode não ser tão estável quanto a compilação oficial, por isso é melhor evitá-la em dispositivos primários. Se isso for bom, você pode se inscrever para o OBT até 3 de dezembro de 2022. A OnePlus tem 5.000 slots para este teste beta.
Você pode verificar a captura de tela abaixo para obter mais detalhes sobre a atualização do OxygenOS 13 do OnePlus Nord 2T e vá para o link de origem no final do artigo para saber mais sobre o OxygenOS 13 Open Beta Test do Nord 2T.
A Apple marca "xrOS" como o novo nome para o seu sistema operativo de auriculares XR
Analistas esperam que a Apple lance seu primeiro fone de ouvido de realidade mistaem 2023. A empresa teria criado um novo nome para a plataforma - "xrOS" em vez de "realityOS" ou "rOS" - que Mark Gurman, da Bloomberg, vê como um sinal de que o lançamento está próximo.
"XR" significa eXtended Reality, um termo aplicado a fones de ouvido que são capazes de VR (Realidade Virtual) e AR (Realidade Aumentada). A RV cria um ambiente totalmente CGI, enquanto a RA sobrepõe dados e imagens sobre o mundo real. Fones de ouvido como o Meta Quest 2 fazem VR com uma pitada de AR, o novo Quest Proé melhor em AR, os gostos do HoloLens da Microsoft e do Glass do Google são focados em AR.
Outros grandes players incluem Valve e HTC, bem como a Sony, que já está recebendo pré-encomendas para oPSVR2. Este será o primeiro novo segmento de mercado para a Apple desde a introdução do Apple Watch em 2015. Não foi o primeiro smartwatch de longe, mas cresceu para ser um enorme sucesso - o último relatório do 4º trimestre, a divisão de Wearables, Casa e Acessórios trouxeram mais vendas líquidas do que o iPad e não estava longe do Mac.
Pedido de marca registrada para ''xrOS'' pela Deep Dive LLC, uma empresa de fachada suspeita de propriedade da Apple Pedido de marca registrada para "xrOS" pela Deep Dive LLC, uma empresa de fachada suspeita de propriedade da Apple
Gurman relata que o fone de ouvido terá sua própria loja de aplicativos e sua própria versão dos principais aplicativos da Apple, coisas como Mensagens e Mapas. E haverá ferramentas para colaboração em VR, bem como uma versão VR do FaceTime. Isso soa como se a Apple quisesse encarar o Metaverso de Zuckerberg de frente.
A Apple já tem experiência no campo da RA por meio de seus iPhones e iPads equipados com LiDAR, que podem obter uma varredura 3D de seus ambientes e inserir objetos virtuais nele. Os primeiros relatórios afirmaram que o fone de ouvido XR também usará o LiDAR.
Quanto ao nome do fone de ouvido, há alguns meses a Appleregistrou a marca registrada Reality One e RealityPro. Não está claro se os nomes mudarão ao lado da nova marca do sistema operacional, há também a possibilidade de que a Apple volte ao "realityOS" para a plataforma de software.
